 |
 -0 |
 |
|
||||||||
 |
||||||||
 |
||||||||
|
||||||||
|
||||||||
 |
|
This Angry Reader Has a Unique Perspective on Budget Crisis I'd written Monday about the governor's dearth of leadership in the Capitol's budget calamity. Davis seemed to be shying away from making a strong case publicly for his proposed tax increase, I asserted. "There's now some fish adorning your comments, but you're entitled to write them," the governor said, presumably referring to The Times as a fish-wrapper, rather than me sleeping with fishes. "I'm entitled to react to them." I'd questioned why he hadn't taken his case to California's civic leaders, to places like L.A.'s Town Hall and San Francisco's Commonwealth Club. "You have a 1950s version of how this is done," Davis responded. "You're assuming that Town Hall has something to do with votes in Sacramento." I'm assuming, as all successful governors and presidents have — Ronald Reagan, George W. Bush — that enlisting community leaders in a cause helps build public support and pressure lawmakers. "Look, I speak to every interest group that comes up here," the governor continued, "whether it's the Realtors, or law enforcement groups, or education groups, agriculture groups, various unions " In fact, on Wednesday Davis spoke to members of the L.A. Chamber of Commerce, making perhaps his strongest plea yet for a tax hike. Davis actually called me, he said, to report on a "Big Five" negotiating session he'd had Tuesday with the top legislative leaders. Volatile Senate leader John Burton (D-San Francisco) had stormed out after only a few minutes, declaring, according to the Sacramento Bee: "I just don't think talking, talking, talking is going to do it anymore." Davis said, "I told both parties what they didn't want to hear" — that Democrats must cut $1.7 billion in spending that they added after he revised his budget proposal in May, and it was "absolutely essential" for Republicans to support a temporary half-cent sales tax increase to pay for a $10.7-billion deficit reduction bond. Republicans have been "digging in their heels" on taxes the last two weeks, he said, "but somehow, some way I still believe that I'll be able to sign a budget by July 1," start of the fiscal year. Republicans gave Govs. Pete Wilson and George Deukmejian tax increases, Davis noted. And they should him. But Wilson and Deukmejian were Republicans; Davis is the Democratic enemy. Moreover, this is a less flexible species of Republican — gerrymandered into solidly conservative districts where the threat to political survival comes from tax-hating right-wingers, rather than moderate Democrats. A new poll released Wednesday by the nonpartisan Public Policy Institute of California shows one reason why the Capitol is gridlocked. It's because California itself is philosophically polarized. Want higher taxes and more services, or lower taxes and fewer services? 61% of Democratic voters opt for bigger government, 76% of Republicans smaller government. Raise the sales tax to finance deficit bonds? 58% of Democrats say yes; 58% of Republicans say no. Raise the top income tax rate, as Davis also has proposed? 55% Democrats yes, 65% Republicans no. As for Davis, only 21% of likely voters approve of how he's handling his job; 75% disapprove. The abysmal numbers are virtually the same for his handling of the budget, 20%-74%. But legislators get nearly as bad marks for their budget-handling: 20%-69%. How is he handling this stalemate, I asked Davis. "I'm just hammering away every day, trying to come up with three or four different ways [to compromise]. We have gone through so many scenarios.
"Look, this is the opportunity for Republicans to leverage something that matters to their constituency, whether it is an improved business climate, enhanced workers' comp reform protections for
|
|
|
